Ambassador Mike Hammer, head of diplomatic mission of the USA In Havana, he is in Miami meeting with Cuban exiles and other diaspora factors. Hammer was only appointed in November by President Biden, and we do not know if his visit to the exile capital is commissioned by the outgoing administration, the incoming administration, or on his own. None of the three things would mean the same thing. At this moment, Havana is pulling its strings in the United States (and has shown that it has them) so that the president, before leaving, takes measures in its favor; such as removing it from the list of nations that collaborate with terrorism: something that makes it difficult for them to carry out financial transactions and other survival efforts. If Ambassador Hammer’s, on the other hand, is an effort for the next administration, it would be part of the presidential transition process; and if he has come on his own initiative, it would simply be that, as diplomatic career, tries to survive, or adapt to the new diplomatic strategy that is approaching. Now, what will that new strategy be, or what should it be like? That is a complex question, and it will depend a lot on the circumstances, and how far the political will would go, both from President Trump and from his Secretary of State, Marco Rubio. Also, of course, it will depend on priorities.
To begin with, there are some irregularities that should be immediately put in their place. Diplomatic relations between the United States and Cuba do not respect the minimum standards of reciprocity. Firstly, the embassy in Havana cannot freely hire its employees, and is forced to do so through an employment agency that nominally controls the Council of State and in practice the intelligence services. On the other hand, the Cuban embassy in Washington does not have that restriction, and although it usually refrains from hiring foreign personnel, it could do so freely. This disparity has consequences and the Secretary of State should immediately demand that it end. Cuba also inequitably controls the number of U.S. diplomats and personnel who can work in Havana; With this they achieve two things: first, force them to go to their employment agency controlled by the intelligence services, and second, maintain greater control and siege over the reduced diplomatic corps on the island. That disparity, I repeat, should change immediately.
Reciprocity is a basic concept of any healthy diplomatic relationship. Another aspect in which it is not fulfilled is mobility. The Castro regime prohibits all its government officials: ministers, members of the National Assembly, the Communist Party, or even company administrators, from meeting with members of the US diplomatic corps; On the other hand, Cuban diplomats in the United States move freely and constantly meet with US senators, congressmen, mayors, and even the military. In fact, the Castro embassy in the North American capital, just steps from the Capitol, has become a veritable body of lobbyists. The Secretary of State should either demand free access to official entities on the island, or restrict the activities of the Cuban diplomatic corps in US territory. Out of pure attachment to balance.
Another unbalanced aspect of the unhealthy relationship between both countries is the fact that (after the sonic attacks) the United States has lowered its representation to the level of Chargé d’Affaires, but Cuba, cunningly, instead of responding with the same measure, has kept his ambassador. This gives them greater mobility in US territory than they already have. To repair this other imbalance, Trump has two possibilities: either he expels ambassador Lianys Torres Rivera, or he puts the ball on Castro’s side. As? Appointing a new ambassador in Havana. But not just anyone, but a Cuban-American. Because? Because there they have an unwritten rule, but strictly followed, of not allowing any diplomats of Cuban origin, however, the United States does not have that restriction. If Trump nominates and the Senate approves a Cuban-American as ambassador in Havana, it is the island’s government that would have to decide whether to declare him or not. persona non grata.
These basic measures would send a clear message that the new administration is not going around the bush. Cuba will always have immigration blackmail in its hands, but that would be the subject of another analysis. In general terms, the formula is the same: with despotic regimes like the Castro regime, accustomed to playing hardball, you cannot take half measures. But, of course, this is the theory, we will see what happens in practice.
Miami, January 7, 2025
Juan Manuel Cao.