“So, you’re a Region Rat!” he exclaimed. “I’m a what?” she retorts, poising for an attack her mind instantly summons a slur of obscenities to throw his way. “A Region Rat, you know, you’re from the Cal Region. You live in a cesspool and syphon resources away from everyone else in the State.” She had often heard that folk down-state begrudged the Region, but sure didn’t know why. She mentally ran down a list of where such ideas would come from and tried to relate them to herself. “Are you F-in, kidding me?” she responded, “That’s what you think? Well, you have it all wrong…The Region is…” When she got off her soap box she couldn’t help but wonder what all that really had to do with her?
The Region is a geographical location in Northwest Indiana coined by folklorist, Richard Dorson (1981), with the colloquialism “de Region,” (p.2) which embodies the connection between a people and place within a historical time period, and is now “da Region,” which does the same in a modern context and slang. Together the terms provide not only a sense of location, but define a cultural mystique to those outside the region. The urbanized slang signifies a confluence of racial division, economic industrial decline, and loss felt by a generation of Region Rats of all that traditionally stood as a source of pride within the Region.
The area is separate from the Greater Chicago metropolitan area and its rural counterparts in both Illinois and Indiana offer little in the way of physical demarcation. Development of the core of “de Region” occurred between 1869 and 1906 and included four industrial cities: the stockyard city of Hammond, the Standard Oil city of Whiting, the Inland Steel city of East Chicago, and the Steel City of Gary. (Dorson, 1981, p.7) Today, the Region refers to a three county area encompassing Lake, Porter, and Laporte Counties. These counties are tied together by the Lake Michigan shoreline and an interstate corridor leading from Illinois to Michigan.
The landscape is steel and sand, railways and roadways- a jungle of city centers and neighborhoods nestled amongst miles of burgeoning factories with their smokestacks and twenty-four hour production. Raw materials are shipped into harbors and coal cars run from Wyoming on a direct course to the Steel Mills and the adjacent NIPSCO Power Plant. By the 1960’s, the south shoreline of Lake Michigan had become the most industrialized area of the United States. US Steel Gary Works plant alone still inhabits six miles of shoreline and four thousand acres of beachfront estate. Seen from the catwalk at the Michigan City Lighthouse the industrial complex views go on as far as the eye can see, up the shoreline and along US 41 (Calumet Ave.), the backdoor entrance into Chicago. Further inland and to the south, the factories are evidenced by miles of working smokestacks peaking above a tree-lined horizon. If one is positioned within twenty-five miles from that point, there is no view save a mix of cool Lake Michigan scents carried upon industrial airborne particulates. Potato chips, ladies hosiery, a brewery, shipyards, the Cat-Cracker, slag lands, tin mills, ironworks, Eighty-Four Hotstrip, plating mills, pickling mills, machine shops, and mining (sand and gravel) are among the two hundred twenty manufacturing facilities accessible to the lakeshore. (Laskowski, 2006, p.10)
As industrialism’s fervor settled in northwestern Indiana, the research in folklore that was traditionally centered upon marginal, peasant cultures that were considered caretakers of the past, reached an age of modernity making the study of mainstream urban culture fashionable. At this time, Dorson (1981) recognized the significance of the largest industrial complex of the United States, which included the above referenced steel mills, oil refineries, and diversified manufacturers, as possessing a uniqueculture. (p.2) His five facets of “de Region” were so distinct that his final written analysis resulted in five pieces that included separate sections on “folk” and “lore.”(p.3) He found difficulty in placing “da Region” in a formulaic or systematic approach. His research revealed strong individual delineations marked by the use and frequency of repetitious themes and incidents associated with external work and street environments. He also discovered a lack of these folkloristic contexts shared through personal experiences and histories within the internal home environment.
Such environmental delineations are prevalent in the ecology of the region as well. Dr. Henry Cowles, a graduate student and later professor of ecology at the University of Chicago, began explorations of the land that mingled with the industrial complexes in the early 1900’s. Within the region that was shaped by glacial scouring and retreat, he discovered ancient landscapes home to a wondrous variety of flora and fauna. (Schoon, 2003, p.7) The lakeshore is marked by dune and swale terrain that consist of the sand dunes and small backwater ponds offering a unique habitat for both resident and migrating birds as well as insects. Living among this terrain is an endangered species, the KarnerBlue butterfly, which feeds upon the Purple Lupine flower that nourishes the larvae and chrysalis stages of this small, inch and a half marvel in the spring. Stands of black oak savannah thrive in a transition zone between the marshes and the lakeshore. Their survival rest on controlled burns as much as today as the natural lightning strike burns of yesteryear. Due to their rare natural values, Cowles Bog and Pinhook Bog have been named a National Natural Landmarks. (Waldron, 2007, p.43)
Dr. Mark Reshkin, Professor Emeritus of Geology and Public and Environmental Affairs called the Indiana Dunes a prototype for urban national parks. He claims the natural land management within the Indiana Dunes area demonstrates that preservation of valuable areas can be sustained in heavily industrialized urban areas. (Schoon, 2003, p.217) A rare natural biosphere contained within and surrounding an urban industrialized cartography adds an additional measure of uniqueness to “da Region.” Land Management in general is a concern within the Region. Preserved south and west of the great prairielands lay the farmlands of Northern Indiana. These flat lands of glacial scour extend to the Kankakee River valley. This soil is among the richest, darkest earth in the United States providing sustenance to the mill towns during the Great Depression. In fact, some out-of-work millworkers took to farming as a means to sustain their families through the 1930’s and supplement their current mill income today. (C. Rongers, diary excerpt, 1990)Many German and Dutch settling this area pursued commercial farming ventures. A risky business during the Great Depression as it is today, yet cultivating the land is ingrained within the Region fabric. There is a connection to the rural culture that is as deep as the connection to the wild, natural landscape of bog and shore.
The shore, likened to an ocean, serves as the resource for many leisure activities of the factory workers and their families. Outdoor sporting activities such as hunting and fishing were prominent prior to the 1980’s and kayaking, canoeing, surfing and sailing are enjoyed today. Many outdoor enthusiasts possess a conservationist mindset that has led to numerous conservationist sporting clubs, such as the Isaac Walton League, and land preservationist organizations, such as Save the Dunes and Shirley Heinze Land Trust. Without these organizations’ involvement, the treasures of the Region and pleasures of man would be lost to economic development. Furthermore, not protecting the Lakeshore from overuse, pollution, and consumption would taint the soil and water of the rural farming communities. The threat of contamination has always been real, as many of the ancient waterways which feed the outlying terrain are so polluted that little can live there. (“Grand Calumet River”, 2011)
Eco-Literary theorist and Professor of American Literature at Harvard University, Lawrence Buell, proposes that the encroachment of urban development along with its enabling ideologies erodes basic instincts about all relationships to community as well as ecology and that this dilutes our sense of the sublime and the wonderful, and supplies [sic] the cash-nexus for a more authentic set of values.(Lodge & Wood, 2008, p.665) While the dissolution of polar emotional responses relates to “da Region” in scope, Buell defines “sense of place” in more poignant terms and requests we remove setting as a backdrop and recognize the psychological and etymological relationship to place. He surmises that we reassure ourselves by converting abstract space into familiar place and subsisting in the unconsciousness of its familiarity. (Lodge & Wood, 2008, p.673) This pre-adjudicated reality is recognizable in “da Region” through the experiences shared by most shift-workers’ descendants, many of whom have never set foot inside the grounds of the industrial complexes, but who’s existence is controlled by them.
The workers’ families possess an intimacy with industry’s presence and share similar experiences deepening the work-culture into the psyche of the Region’s people. There is recognition that the factory dictates the family’s structure and schedule, which ultimately becomes parallel to the proverbial “other woman” or “monkey on the back.” However, that same facility supplies all of the family’s needs so it loses the negative connotation that these descriptions naturally warrant and instead becomes absorbed as the “backdrop” of daily existence. Commonly shared experiences in the household of shiftwork employees are exemplified through exchanges such as: “Shhhh! Your father is sleeping! Get out of the house!” in daylight hours one week and “Shhhh! You don’t want to wake up your Father! Go to your room!” in the next. These suggestive demands of vacation presents disconnection from parents and other members within the home and a closer connection to peers in similar circumstances which fosters alliances and develops relationships that mimic the mill experience of the father.
In their neighborhood streets: small gangs of youth (either divided by ethnicity, race, or street) protected their “turf” by harassing one another on sidewalks and in alleyways, setting fire to forts and bullying, and beating kids on their way to school or to the local store. Each child knew at a very early age how to fight. The older children give instruction on how to throw a good punch. Today’s lessons include drunken mayhem, theft, drugs, and gang warfare. The house may have been cold, but the streets were and still remain calculating and confrontational. (Laskowski, 2006, p.11)
Decimation of work ethic or defamation of character perpetuates conflict from this group on to the veteran millworker: A young mill laborer provides an accompanying description of millrat, “as a millrat, a fucking millrat. It’s a slob that goes out there and works for sixteen hours, goes home for eight, comes back for sixteen, doesn’t take a bath for two weeks, sleeps in the goddam change house. We call a millrat.” (Lane, 1990, p.3) This speaker offers up the millrat as an unclean “it”. So Dad’s mumbling beneath his breath obscenities toward another endless day of work puts on his mill shirt and grabs his shoes to leave providing a birds-eye view into the industrial family soul of “da Region.” Absorption and reflection of industrial environmental influence into one’s psyche supports the negative outcomes Buell identifies as masking reality, enabling ideologies, and diluted senses.
The basis for Buell’s analysis is urban encroachment, but the physical place of “da Region” from its origin of small cluster of urban-like company towns defies this concept in totality. These are walking cities that include factory, housing enclaves, schools, shopping district and neighborhood corner stores. The true essence of physical space in the Region remains based upon your position in relationship to the mills and connected roadways. “Da Region” defies urban definition in all but its population density. There is no “urban center” out of which expansion occurs. As a result, affiliation with a defined metropolitan city spans across sixty miles and a state line. Technically, Chicago does not function or act as “center” to the Region and the Region Rats explanation of geographical origin as “Chicago” is merely due to close proximity and recognizable location for the benefit of those persons not from the Region.
The Region is a blending of industrial, natural, and communal settings within feet, not miles. There are no secondary cities feeding the tendrils of urbanity. There exist entire cities, small and large, that are defined by “the company they keep” and its tax base. The Region possesses no urban core, fringe, or rural borderland. In his research, Richard Dorson (1981) found that “da Region” as an urban region offers a conundrum to known Regional theory. Within regional theory rests the identity of a people. The identity of a folk Region speaks to a mind and spirit embracement as well as physical boundaries. (p.6) The boundaries between cities and towns, factory-life and home-life, and industry and nature are intermingled blurring the “sense of place” described by Buell. This results in erosion within the mind and spirit of Region Rats. The effects are evident in their connection, interaction, movement and plight. (Lodge & Wood, 2008, p.667)
The term used for the people of the Region is “Region Rats”. This is a combination of two terms, region and millrat. Each indicates a perceived character of people from the Region. A millrat is a person who works in a steel mill (derogatory), “He’s just a fuckin’ millrat.”(“Millrat”, n.d.) Many Hoosiers immediately recognize a Region Rat from the subtle nuances in dialect and propensity of proclaiming being “from Chicago”, albeit living in Indiana. In turn, non-Regionites are characterized by an ignorant belief that all of “da Region” is a gang-infested wasteland a la Mad Max or Escape from New York or LA (of the three, the last two can be seen as a degrading insult).” (“The Region”, n.d.)
As if these descriptions were not demonstrative enough, the following depiction spells out the cultural delineations and integrated assumptions of settlement: “Also known as “da Region,” it is the section of the Chicago Metropolitan Area that overflows past the Indiana border. From a cultural stand point, the region is where the ethnic slums of South Side Chicago meets “white corn-fed hillbilly” Indiana, creating very diverse and unique place that is by far better than any other location in Indiana. A solid rule-of-thumb is: if you are in Lake County, there are multiple African Americans and Latinos living within a one mile radius of you, and there are no corn fields in sight; you are then in the TRUE REGION.” (“The Region”, n.d.)
In fact, eighty-six ethnicities represent the peopling of “da Region” and its rich multicultural experience. Each brought with them their customs, traditions, languages, and connections to the old country, but their heritage quickly became secondary to their capacity within the workforce. For the first part of the 20th century, the workers reflected the Northern and Eastern European, Balkan, and Mediterranean ethnic groups heralded within the larger national waves of immigration into the industrialized United States. Secondary and tertiary migrations were modeled by the industries themselves in an effort to fill low-skill level positions and to stave off the impact of strikes by workers in 1919 and again in the 1940’s, shaping Latino and African-American communities with bias and segregation. Settlements and movements of populations within “da Region” offer a unique multicultural communal setting as well as a socio-political racial divide. Beginning with the “white flight” of the 1960’s, mass emigration of white ethnic populations spread to outlying communities. Spurred on by the growing African-American presence in Gary, the steel mill labor decline of the 1970’s, and the industrial depression of the 1980’s, the exodus from “de Region” core populated neighboring counties. Demographics changed dramatically between each county, but the migration of Region Rats spread their identity’s influence.
Within the past twenty years another identity has descended upon the Region. A recognizable influx of Illinois residents converge upon the Indiana border communities (Trusty, 1992, p.7) of Hammond, Whiting, Miller (Gary), Dyer, Schererville, and St. John. Known throughout “da Region” as FIPs or Fucking Illinois People, these transplants take advantage of Indiana’s lower property tax and lower cost of living while maintaining their Illinois pay scale. The derogatory term used to identify this group of individuals exposes the threat felt by the presence of these “outsiders”; namely, the threat of economic security and the democratic way of life. (J. Rongers, personal interview, June 6, 2011) These people are the newest migrants to the area, but they are not the only. While the rest of the United States may be experiencing an increase in first generation Hispanic populations, “da Region” is witnessing an increase within this established populous as well as an influx of Balkan immigrants. Both of these groups have deep connections to the Region, as the area’s core labor forces remain in contact with relatives from the Old Country.
A collective population of laborers, who lived and worked beside one another regardless of differences, peaks in the early 1970’s and declined dramatically over the next twenty years. The Steel Industry alone relinquished 581,100 jobs between 1953 and 1989. Changes in the 1980’s mark a point in Region history where the redistribution of wealth negotiated by trade unions had made the American steel worker the aristocrat of world labor. (Trusty, 1992, p.4) For the first time a generation of Region Rats would experience a lower standard of living than its parents.(Lane, 1992, Front Cover) Due to the technological advancements spanning the 1970’s – 1990’s, the number of man hours required to make a ton of steel dropped from 10.8 to 3.5. (Trusty, 1992, p. 3)
Nevertheless, throughout this tide of change, the workforce culture remained present and continued to influence the Region. There is reason to view this culture as responsible for the Region’s current economic demise. “We have met the enemy and he is us…as we strive to integrate sustainable development in Northwest Indiana, the culture of the Region and the perceptions of us as “Region Rats” impede the initiative.” (J. Flannery, personal communication, May, 2011) Since 1990, there have been repeated cries of worker entitlement and reliance upon industry tax bases as a means to explain the state of the Region’s current affairs. Regardless of role perception within these events, what remains is an underlying communal unity that originates from industry and workforce culture.
The dynamic relationship between the people of “da Region” is supported by the folkloristic context of occupational consciousness through the interaction and alliance of its working class. In the 1970’s, folklorist Richard Dorson (1981) provides the view as “highly visible ethnic populations…a conurbation of grimy cities people with blue-collar laborers.” (p. 2) At the turn of the millennium, four living generations are actively engaged in the Region’s mentality of work-force solidarity. A separate consciousness develops out of the people’s awareness as a distinct group based on occupation and cultural origin, out of which a type of surrogate identity is created. This newidentity transcends ethnicity and race conforming to the folkloristic understanding that in social subgroups and communities some degree of homogeneity prevails. Thus, preference is given to behavioral similarities over differences as binding factors of the subculture. (Georges & Jones, 1995, p.171) Sharing similar experiences both positive and negative creates an unbreakable bond demonstrated in status boundaries, power, and interpersonal relationships within an enforced community. (Georges & Jones, 1995, p.181)
The largest industrial employer in the Region, the Steel Mills, possesses a hierarchical system that includes laborers, blue-collar workers, white collar managers, and the executives. This stratification is representative of an enforced community. Such structure exacerbates certain types of folklore, such as jokes or pranks, are devised to undermine authority and create a pecking order, thereby reinforcing the labor forces’ stratified position. The aim of the trickery is the ultimate perversion of the employer’s intents and purposes and renders an outlet for release and expression - another basis of mutual understanding and connection. This paradigm is considered a paradox of functional dysfunction. (Lane, 1990, p. 3)
The functions of folklore as determined by American folklorist and Anthropologist, William Bascum (1954), identify larger sources of conflict that folklore attempts to remedy. He states that the social context of humanity reflects a power structure revealed within religion, myths, and descriptions of daily life. This is actuated in folklore as an effort of social approval to promote conformity. (p.344) These social contexts function on two levels within the Region: assimilation and stratification.
“Throughout the first half of the 20th century, Gary served as a testing ground for the assimilation and Americanization of European immigrants. Many of the city's American institutions—its schools, churches, workplaces, settlement houses, political system, and newspapers—focused on the struggle to Americanize the immigrant steelworkers and their families as soon as possible. Gary's nationally famous “work-study-play” or “platoon school” system, implemented by long-term school superintendent William A. Wirt, sought to Americanize immigrant children and prepare them for industrial work.” (“Gary, IN”, 2005)
As cultural transformation occurs, the multicultural community engages in suppression, modification, or discontinuance of native cultural contexts, placing pressure upon their families to assimilate so as not to appear as “other”. (Bascum, 1954, p. 339) In the early part of the 20th century, many families changed their name to sound more American, even if that change only occurred for members within the Region. “I learned today that anyone with my last name is related. There is no question, I have seen my Grandfather’s birth certificate and have read it in our native tongue. Our cousins in Ohio go by the name on the birth certificate, we do not.”(T.Rongers, 1984) Adopting a new identity to merge with an industrial ideology is a cultural and personal sacrifice in exchange for economic survival.
Economic survival drives competition within the factory. More so in the past, this competition was driven not by performance but on race. Skin color is the primary attribute of racism within the Region. The primary targets are the races perceived to be involved in a monetary loss or possessing a lack of loyalty toward their fellow workers. Within the region, the only two areas completely segregated are East Chicago, housing the low-skill, low-wage Hispanic populations and Gary, housing the strike-breaking, wage decreasing southern black population. (Georges& Jones, 1995, p.193) Racial tensions exploded in the 1940’s after a labor strike resulted in lost jobs and decreased wages for the traditional workforce. As they picketed, the mills bussed in replacements from the South and gave them homes amongst the striking workers. Racial tensions remain and through folklore implements of humor and pranks demonstrate the fear and anger toward the perceived threats. When in close contact and with a sense of threat towards “other”, the intentions of humor are abusive. The practice of breaking with the standard rules of engagement results in violent acts, cultural supremacy, and degradation. (Georges & Jones, 1995, p.193) Connecting to a perceived “other” in a positive way is shown to have a calming effect and dissipates fear and such a connection is typically made when sharing a cause.
What is the cause for the struggle and survival of Region Rats? If you were born here, you might say the corruption, the pollution, and the ever changing weather extremes that give you a tough exterior. If you were a Regional power broker, you might say the people. “Cause” is a term assigning origin and blame. The use of the term “cesspool” alliterates toxicity and waste, just as references to a war zone eludes divisive and open conflict. With reason, these descriptions provide the “aesthetics of ugliness” prescribed by Dorson as the symbolic landscape of the Region. Symbolic landscape bears on regional theory and imagery and is used to describe a cultural geography. (Georges & Jones, 1995, p. 193) The urban blight represented in the core settlements of the Region, the partitioning of the people, and the end of economic security for the Region has brought a time for renewal, a call for the people to stand up to new challenges. A generation patiently waits, poised for a changing of the guard in order to “clean house” in an effective, sustaining way.
The environment is the one area within the Region that has shown progress. The people remain committed to what is good and to what has brought them years of family enjoyment. This process began many years ago with preservation of the unique ecological qualities by the inception of the Indiana State Park and Indiana Dunes National Lakeshore in the early twentieth century and continues with land reclamation and refined industrial processes today. Turning a focus on this renewal is an avenue toward a more diversified economy and better health for the Region’s citizens. These concerns are also embraced by newer migrants to the Region as they too learn about and enjoy all the Lakeshore provides and represents.
As the folklorist’s scope travels beyond the landscape to the people, the landscape of the Region traverses sand and slag, asphalt and exhaust to the people. Historically, they arrive for work, assimilate, and receive a community, housing, and quality schools for their children and in return they adopt the model of the company into the fabric of family and social life. Essentially, there is no delineation between the company they work for, the community in which they live, and how they conduct their lives, thus becoming a Region Rat. The compensation for their loyalty is an above standard living wage and when this begins to waiver and the companies retract their loyalty to the people, the people for a brief time band together and fight for their right to be heard. Ultimately changes in the industrial, economic, and political landscapes fracture the workplace identity resulting in the dissipation of a unified voice. This weakened identity spreads outward into the community, breaking down the structures of functional existence.
“Everyman for himself!” is the call that is heard. The options are to adapt, leave, or begin again. Those that remain hold a bitter heart, but they do not sit and wait for the next big development to swoop them up for that power is lost. They just sit in the cesspool. Those who leave and return are looking for change. They leave to seek change, but this is home and there is no other place like it. Everyone on the outside appears “fake” or simply some particle extension of an element within the microcosm of the Region. Upon return, they find that the corruption is still pumping forth seeds of embezzlement and abuse. There also appears a standstill in progress. The schematic isolation of the relationship between the company and the people is a mantle for Region Rats as a voice of change.
Within William Bascum’s, The Four Functions of Folklore, the cultural contexts of society embody the belief system. This system works to validate and mirror the culture in an effort to serve as “reminder and reinforcer” and maintain conformity. (Bascum, 1954, p.337) Acts of institutional enforcement of the people have forged four living generations’ common identity. Gene Bluestein (1972), folklorist and ethnomusicologist, recognizes in an overview of folk theory and literary cannon that ideological traits of American character are revealed through the peasant cultures within a society as the mass culture are not represented by the elite, but by the servants of production. As he conjoins the scientific investigations of oral narrative, he also opens the door to folkloristic content as potentially representative of cultural subversion. (p.14) Herein, lies the disjointed discovery and ultimate acceptance of Dorson’s investigations leading to exposing a Regional dichotomy. Professor of Humanities, Newton Garver’s (2008) review of scientific and humanistic theoretical approaches implies that the influences in thinking and observation serve literary theory in a way as to become an instrument of counter-culture. This line of argument states that Folklore culturally is a tool for mass conformity, but appears to serve cultural subversion. (p.67) His thoughts reflect upon the manifestation of Bascum’s escapism in social context as a reaction to geographical environment and biological limitation that engages Region Rats to formulate some rationale into their nonsensical existence.
Bluestein’s (1972) discovery supports “The existence of narrative universals, the view of folklore as “the whole social consciousness of the subjected classes in a class-society” and the acknowledgement of folklore as a means for “social control.”(p.14) Garver’s (2008) insights counter this by stating the obvious not attained by Region Rats, “The crux of the problem is that any criterion for membership or inclusion simultaneously serves as a criterion for exclusion. So the overall perspective on unity will need to allow or perhaps encourage diversity.”(p.68)
As he walked away, her momentary introspection led to a more thoughtful response, “Unity is the greatest strength of the Region Rat and racism is the greatest weakness. The Region Rat is no longer an identity of the Millrat, surviving a man-made control system, residing in a quasi-urban environment wrought with real urban ills. The Region Rat, personifies the Rat totem of abundance who is resourceful in the midst of environmental and emotional changes, who allows truth and dispels worldly illusions.”(“The Rat”,n.d.) The Region Rat can be stirred into action, but no longer on the wings of un-kept promises and derailed dreams. The Region Rat of today is self-assured that change will come from within the people.”
References
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Dorson, R. M. (1981). Land of the millrats. Cambridge, MA: Harvard UP.
Flannery, J. (n.d.). Personal viewpoint received in draft form on May 24, 2011. Crown Point, Indiana.
Garver, N. (2008). What theory is. Journal of American Folklore, 45.1, 68.
Georges, R. A. & Jones, M.O. (1995). Folkloristics: An introduction. Bloomington, IN: Indiana UP.
“The Grand Cal” (2011). In Environmental Protection Agency online. Retrieved June 20, 2011 from http://epa.gov/glnpo/aoc/grandcal.html13.
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Rongers, J. (2011). Personal interview conducted June 6, 2011. Hebron, IN.
Rongers, T. L. (1984). Excerpt on family lineage in the Region. Personal Diary. Crown Point, IN.
Schoon, K. J. (2003). Calumet beginnings: Ancient shorelines and settlements at the south end of Lake Michigan. Bloomington, IN: Indiana UP.
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Waldron (2007). The Indiana Dunes, 43. Washington, DC: US Department of the Interior.